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Showing posts with label Modernism - the synthesis of all heresies and only of the Devil. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Modernism - the synthesis of all heresies and only of the Devil. Show all posts

Monday, November 11, 2013

Marie Joseph Pierre Teilhard de Chardin SJ 1881-1955 fake and apostate - The Phenomenon of Man - evolutionary witchcraft of the Devil

The Apostates who mock God and His Christ in former Catholic, Protestant and Christian churches are led by the spirit of theistic pantheism - God blended with self and universe and mystical experience, in a word: "witchcraft."

Galatians 5:
20 Idolatry, witchcrafts, enmities, contentions, emulations, wraths, quarrels, dissensions, sects, 
21 ... Of the which I foretell you, as I have foretold to you, that they who do such things shall not obtain the kingdom of God. 

Father Malachi Martin - witness to the Truth: Primacy: How the Institutional Roman Catholic Church Became a Creature of the New World Order

Pierre Teilhard de Chardin the practicing witch.


THE THEORY OF EVOLUTION


      New Agers believe in the theory of evolution. Reincarnation is actually based on the idea of evolution... man 'evolves' through lifetime after lifetime in endless successive incarnations until they finally reach perfection. Eastern Mysticism teaches that the lower forms of life evolve into higher forms of life and that eventually all men will evolve back into godhood or the 'Source from which they came'.

     The Jesuit, PierreTeilhard de Chardin, (sometimes referred to as the Father of the New Age Movement), eagerly investigated paleontology, which is the study of prehistoric animal fossils, which undoubtedly led to his later obsession with the theory of evolution. "Spiritualism teaches that man is the creature of progression; that it is his destiny from birth to progress or to evolve, even to eternity, toward the godhead". Ellen White, Great Controversy pg 554 In like manner, Teilhard believed that the more man became like his 'true self' (otherwise known as the Higher Self) -the more he evolved into 'what God is'.

     The idea behind this theory is that man was already God and that it was essential that he go back to the Source from whence he came, to find his 'True Self.' He needed to evolve into the 'Ultra Human' or into the God-man to whom Teilhard was referring. Once man reaches this state, he is presumed to have achieved what is known as 'Cosmic Consciousness.' And so the 'Father' of the New Age Movement was deeply involved in the theory of evolution.

     This New Age idea of spiritual evolution makes man his own savior- convincing him that he has the ability to evolve into a god-man. The Creationist believes that since God created the world and created us- He can therefore re-create us into His own image with a god-like character. The Evolutionist is proud however, and thinks he can progress spiritually on his own, without the assistance of God... for he thinks himself to be a god!
http://www.religiouscounterfeits.org/EvolvingIntoGodhood.htm

The Phenomenon of Man

Sir Peter Medawar

Everything does not happen continuously at any one moment in the universe. Neither does everything happen everywhere in it. 
There are no summits without abysses. 
When the end of the world is mentioned, the idea that leaps into our minds is always one of catastrophe. 
Life is born and propagates itself on the earth as a solitary pulsation. 
In the last analysis the best guarantee that a thing should happen is that it appears to us as vitally necessary
This little bouquet of aphorism, each one thought sufficiently important by its author to deserve a paragraph to itself, is taken from Père Teilhard's The Phenomenon of Man. It is a book widely held to be of the utmost profundity and significance; it created something like a sensation upon its publication in France, and some reviewers hereabouts called it the Book of the Year --- one, the Book of the Century. Yet the greater part of it, I shall show, is nonsense, tricked out with a variety of metaphysical conceits, and its author can be excused of dishonesty only on the grounds that before deceiving others he has taken great pains to deceive himself. The Phenomenon of Man cannot be read without a feeling of suffocation, a gasping and flailing around for sense. There is an argument in it, to be sure --- a feeble argument, abominably expressed --- and this I shall expound in due course; but consider first the style, because it is the style that creates the illusion of content, and which is a cause as well as merely a symptom of Teilhard's alarming apocalyptic seizures.

The Phenomenon of Man stands square in the tradition of Naturphilosophie, a philosophical indoor pastime of German origin which does not seem even by accident (though there is a great deal of it) to have contributed anything of permanent value to the storehouse of human thought. French is not a language that lends itself naturally to the opaque and ponderous idiom of nature-philosophy, and Teilhard has according resorted to the use of that tipsy, euphoristic prose-poetry which is one of the more tiresome manifestations of the French spirit. It is of the nature and reproduction that progeny should outnumber parents, and of Mendelian heredity that the inborn endowments of the parents should be variously recombined and reassorted among their offspring, so enlarging the population's candidature for evolutionary change. Teilhard puts the matter thus: it is one of his more lucid passages, and Mr Wall's translation, here as almost everywhere else, captures the spirit and sense of the original.
Reproduction doubles the mother cell. Thus, by a mechanism which is the inverse of chemical disintegration, it multiplies without crumbling. At the same time, however, it transforms what was only intended to be prolonged. Closed in on itself, the living element reaches more or less quickly a state of immobility. It becomes stuck and coagulated in its evolution. Then by the act of reproduction it regains the faculty for inner re-adjustment and consequently takes on a new appearance and direction. The process is one of pluralization in form as well as in number. The elemental ripple of life that emerges from each individual unit does not spread outwards in a monotonous circle formed of individual units exactly like itself. It is diffracted and becomes iridescent, with an indefinite scale of variegated tonalities. The living unit is a center of irresistible multiplication, and ipso facto an equally irresistible focus of diversification.
In no sense other than an utterly trivial one is reproduction the inverse of chemical disintegration. It is a misunderstanding of genetics to suppose that reproduction is only 'intended' to make facsimiles, for parasexual processes of genetical exchange are to be found in the simplest living things. There seems to be some confusion between the versatility of a population and the adaptability of an individual. But errors of fact or judgement of this kind are to be found throughout, and are not my immediate concern; notice instead the use of adjectives of excess (misuse, rather, for genetic diversity is not indefinite nor multiplication irresistible). Teilhard is for ever shouting at us: things or affairs are, in alphabetical order, astounding, colossal, endless, enormous, fantastic, giddy, hyper-, immense, implacable, indefinite, inexhaustible, extricable, infinite, infinitesimal, innumerable, irresistible, measureless, mega-, monstrous, mysterious, prodigious, relentless, super-, ultra-, unbelievable, unbridled or unparalleled. When something is described as merely huge we feel let down. After this softening-up process we are ready to take delivery of the neologisms: biota, noosphere, hominsation, complexification. There is much else in the literary idiom of nature-philosophy: nothing-buttery, for example, always part of the minor symptomatology of the bogus. 'Love in all its subtleties is nothing more, and nothing less, than the more or less direct tract marked on the heart of the element by the psychical converge of the universe upon itself.' 'Man discovers that he is nothing else than evolution become conscious of itself,' and evolution is 'nothing else than the continual growth of. ... 'psychic' or 'radial' energy'. Again, 'the Christogenesis of St Paul and St John is nothing else and nothing less than the extension ... of that noogenesis in which cosmogenesis ... culminates'. It would have been a great disappointment to me if Vibration did not did not somewhere make itself felt, for all scientistic mystics either vibrate in person or find themselves resonant with cosmic vibrations; but I am happy to say that on page 266 Teilhard will be found to do so.

These are trivialities, revealing though they are, and perhaps I make too much of them. The evolutionary origins of consciousness are indeed distant and obscure, and perhaps so trite a thought does need this kind of dressing to make it palatable: 'refracted rearwards along the course of evolution, consciousness displays itself qualitatively as a spectrum of shifting hints whose lower terms are lost in the night' (the roman type is mine). What is much more serious is the fact that Teilhard habitually and systematically cheats with words. his work, he has assured us, is to be read, not as a metaphysical system, but 'purely and simply as a scientific treatise' executed with 'remorseless' or 'inescapable' logic; yet he uses in metaphor words like energy, tension, force, impetus and dimension as ifthey retained the weight and thrust of their specific scientific usages. Consciousness, for example, is a matter upon which Teilhard has been said to have illuminating views. For the most part consciousness is treated as a manifestation of energy, though this does not help us very much because the word 'energy' is itself debauched; but elsewhere we learn that consciousness is a dimension, or is something with mass, or is something corpuscular and particulate which can exist in various degrees of concentration, being sometimes infinitely diffuse. In his lay capacity, Teilhard, a naturalist, practised a comparatively humble and unexacting kind of science, but he must have known better than to play such tricks as these. On page 60 we read:
The simplest form of protoplasm is already a substance of unheard-of complexity. This complexity increases in geometrical progression as pass from the protozoon higher and higher up the scale of the metazoa. And so it is for the whole of the remainder everywhere and always.
Later we are told that the 'nascent cellular world shows itself to be already infinitely complex'. This seems to leave little room for improvement. In any event complexity (a subject on which Teilhard has a great deal to say) is not measurable in those scalar quantities to which the concept of geometrical progression applies.


In spite of all the obstacles that Teilhard perhaps wisely puts in our way, it is possible to discern a train of thought in The Phenomenon of Man. It is founded upon the belief that the fundamental process or motion in the entire universe is evolution, and evolution is 'a general condition to which all theories, all hypotheses, all systems must bow ... a light illuminating all facts, a curve that all lines must follow'. This being so, it follows that 'nothing could ever burst forth as final across the different thresholds successively traversed by evolution ... which has not already existed in an obscure and primordial way' (again my romans). Nothing is wholly new: there is always some primordium or rudiment or archetype of whatever exists or has existed. Love, for example --- 'that is to say, the affinity of being with being' --- is to be found in some form throughout the organic world, and even at a 'prodigiously rudimentary level', for if there were no such affinity between atoms when they unite into molecules it would be 'physically impossible for love to appear higher up, with us, in "hominized" form'. But above all, consciousness is not new, for this would contradict the evolutionary axiom; on the contrary, we are 'logically forced to assume the existence in rudimentary form ... of some sort of psyche in every corpuscle', even in molecules; 'by the very fact of the individualization of our planet, a certain mass of elementary consciousness was originally imprisoned in the matter of earth'.

What form does this elementary consciousness take? Scientists have not been able to spot it, for they are shallow superficial fellows, unable to see into the inwardness of things --- 'up to now, has science ever trouble to look at the world other than from without?' Consciousness is an interiority of matter, an 'inner face that everywhere duplicates the "material" external face, which alone is commonly considered by science'. To grasp the nature of the within of things we must understand that energy is of two kinds: the 'tangential', which is energy as scientists use that word, and a radial energy (a term used interchangeably with spiritual or psychic energy), of which consciousness is treated sometimes as the equivalent, sometimes as the manifestation, and sometimes as the consequence (there is no knowing what Teilhard intends). Radial energy appears to be a measure of, or what conduces towards, complexity or degree of arrangement; thus 'spiritual energy, by its very nature, increases in "radial" value ... in step with the increasing chemical complexity of the elements of which it represents the inner lining'. It confers centricity, and 'the increase of the synthetic state of matter involves ... an increase of consciousness'.

We are now therefore in a position to understand what evolution is (is nothing but). Evolution is 'the continual growth of ... "psychic" or "radial" energy, in the course of duration, beneath and within the mechanical energy I called "tangential" '; evolution, then is 'am ascent towards consciousness'. It follows that evolution must have a 'precise orientation and a privileged axis' at the topmost pole of which lies Man, born 'a direct lineal descendant from the total effort of life.'
Let us fill in the intermediate stages. Teilhard, with a penetrating insight that Sir Julian Huxley singles out for special praise, discerns that consciousness in the everyday sense is somehow associated with the possession of nervous systems and brains ('we have every reason to think that in animals too a certain inwardness exists, approximately proportional to the development of their brains'). The direction of evolution must therefore be towards cerebralisation, that is, towards becoming brainier. 'Among the infinite modalities in which the complication of life is dispersed,' he tells us, 'the differentiation of nervous tissue stands out ... as a significant transformation. It provides a direction; and by its consequences it proves that evolution has a direction.' All else is equivocal and insignificant; in the process of becoming brainier we find 'the very essence of complexity, of essential metamorphosis'. And if we study the evolution of living things, organic evolution, we shall find that in every one of its lines, except only in those in which it does not occur, evolution is an evolution towards increasing complexity of the nervous system and cerebralisation. Plants don't count, to be sure (because 'in the vegetable kingdom we are unable to follow along a nervous system the evolution of a psychism obviously remaining diffuse'), and the contemplation of insects provokes a certain shuffling of the feet [p. 153]; but primates are 'a phylum of pure and direct cerebralization' and among them 'evolution went straight to work on the brain, neglecting everything else'. Here is Teilhard's description of noogenesis, the birth of higher consciousness among the primates, and of the noosphere in which that higher consciousness is deployed:
By the end of the Tertiary era, the psychical temperature in the cellular world had been rising for more than 500 million years ... When the anthropoid, so to speak, had been brought 'mentally' to boiling-point some further calories were added ... No more was needed for the whole inner equilibrium to be upset ... By a tiny 'tangential' increase, the 'radial' was turned back on itself and so to speak took an infinite leap forward. Outwardly, almost nothing in the organs had change. But in depth, a great revolution had taken place: consciousness was now leaping and boiling in a space of super-sensory relationships and representations ...
The analogy, it should be explained, is with the vaporization of water when it is brought to boiling-point, and the image of hot vapor remains when all else is forgotten.

I do not propose to criticize the fatuous argument I have just outlined; here, to expound is to expose. What Teilhard seems to be trying to say is that evolution is often (he says always) accompanied by an increase of orderliness or internal coherence or degree of integration. In what sense is the fertilized egg that develops into an adult human being 'higher' than, say, a bacterial cell? In the sense that it contains richer and more complicated genetical instructions for the execution of those processes that together constitute development. Thus Teilhard's radial, spiritual or psychic energy may be equated to 'information' or 'information content' in the sense that has been made reasonably precise by modern communication engineers. To equate it to consciousness, or to regard degree of consciousness as a measure of information content, is one of the silly little metaphysical conceits I mentioned in an earlier paragraph. Teilhard's belief, enthusiastically shared by Sir Julian Huxley, that evolution flouts or foils the second law of thermodynamics is based on a confusion of thought; and the idea that evolution has a main track or privileged axis is unsupported by scientific evidence.

Teilhard is widely believed to have rejected the modern Mendelian-Darwinian theory of evolution or to have demonstrated its inadequacy. Certainly he imports a ghost, the entelechy or élan vital of an earlier terminology, into the Mendelian machine; but he seems to accept the idea that evolution is probationary and exploratory and mediated through a selective process, a 'groping', a 'billionfold trial and error; 'far be it from me', he declares, 'to deny its importance'. Unhappily Teilhard has no grasp of the real weakness of modern evolutionary theory, namely its lack of a complete theory of variation, of the origin of candidature for evolution. It is not enough to say that 'mutation' is ultimately the source of all genetical diversity, for that is merely to give the phenomenon a name: mutation is so defined. What we want, and what we are slowly beginning to get, is a comprehensive theory of the forms in which new genetical information comes into being. It may, as I have hinted elsewhere, turn out to be of the nature of nucleic acids and the chromosomal apparatus that they tend spontaneously to proffer genetical variants --- genetical solutions to the problem of remaining alive --- which are more complex and more elaborate than the immediate occasion calls for; but to construe this 'complexification' as a manifestation of consciousness is a wilful abuse of words.

Teilhard's metaphysical argument begins where the scientific argument leaves off, and the gist of it is extremely simple. Inasmuch as evolution is the fundamental motion of the entire universe, an ascent along a privileged and necessary pathway towards consciousness, so it follows that our present consciousness must 'culminate forwards in some sort of supreme consciousness'. In expounding this thesis, Teilhard becomes more and more confused and excited and finally almost hysterical. The Supreme Consciousness, which apparently assimilates to itself all our personal consciousnesses, is, or is embodied in, 'Omega' or the Omega-point; in Omega 'the movement of synthesis culminates'. Now Omega is 'already in existence and operative at the very core of the thinking mass', so if we have our wits about us we should at this moment be able to detect Omega as 'some excess of personal, extra-human energy', the more detailed contemplation of which will disclose the Great Presence. Although already in existence, Omega is added to progressively: 'All round us, one by one, like a continual exhalation, "souls" break away, carrying upwards their incommunicable load of consciousness', and so we end up with 'a harmonized collectivity of consciousnesses equivalent to a sort of super-consciousness'.

Teilhard devotes some little thought to the apparently insuperable problem of how to reconcile the persistence of individual consciousnesses with their assimilation to Omega. But the problem yields to the application of 'remorseless logic'. The individual particles of consciousness do not join up any old how, but only center to center, thanks to the mediation of Love; Omega, then, 'in its ultimate principle, can only be a distinct Center radiating at the core of a system of centers', and the final state of the world is one in which 'unity coincides with a paroxysm of harmonized complexity'. And so our hero escapes from his dire predicament: with one bound Jack was free.

Although elsewhere Teilhard has dared to write an equation so explicit as 'Evolution = Rise of Consciousness' he does not go so far as to write 'Omega = God'; but in the course of some obscure pious rant he does tell us that God, like Omega, is a 'Center of centers', and in one place he refers to 'God-Omega'.


How have people come to be taken in by The Phenomenon of Man? We must not underestimate the size of the market for works of this kind, for philosophy-fiction. Just as compulsory primary education created a market catered for by cheap dailies and weeklies, so the spread of secondary and latterly tertiary education has created a large population of people, often with well-developed literary and scholarly tastes, who have been educated far beyond their capacity to undertake analytical thought. It is through their eyes that we must attempt to see the attractions of Teilhard, which I shall jot down in the order in which they come to mind.
  1. The Phenomenon of Man is anti-scientific in temper (scientists are shown up as shallow folk skating about on the surface of things), and, as if that were not recommendation enough, it was written by a scientist, a fact which seems to give it particular authority and weight. Laymen firmly believe that scientists are one species of person. They are not to know that different branches of science require very different aptitudes and degrees of skill for their prosecution. Teilhard practised an intellectually unexacting kind of science in which he achieved a moderate proficiency. He has no grasp of what makes a logical argument or of what makes for proof. He does not even preserve the common decencies of scientific writing, though his book is professedly a scientific treatise.
  2. It is written in an all but totally unintelligible style, and this is construed as prima-facie evidence of profundity. (At present this applies only to works of French authorship; in later Victorian and Edwardian times the same deference was thought due to Germans, with equally little reason.) It is because Teilhard has such wonderful deep thoughts that he's so difficult to follow --- really it's beyond my poor brain but doesn't that just show how profound and important it must be?
  3. It declares that Man is in a sorry state, the victim of a 'fundamental anguish of being', a 'malady of space-time', a sickness of 'cosmic gravity'. The Predicament of Man is all the rage now that people have sufficient leisure and are sufficiently well fed to contemplate it, and many a tidy literary reputation has been built upon exploiting it; anybody nowadays who dared to suggest that the plight of man might not be wholly desperate would get a sharp rap over the knuckles in any literary weekly. Teilhard not only diagnoses in everyone the fashionable disease but propounds a remedy for it --- yet a remedy so obscure and so remote from the possibility of application that it is not likely to deprive any practitioner of a living.
  4. The Phenomenon of Man was introduced to the English-speaking world by Sir Julian Huxley, who, like myself, finds Teilhard somewhat difficult to follow ('If I understood him aright'; 'here his thought is not fully clear to me'; etc.). Unlike myself, Sir Julian finds Teilhard in possession of a 'rigorous sense of values', one who 'always endeavored to think concretely'; he was speculative, to be sure, but his speculation was 'always disciplined by logic'. But then it does not seem to me that Huxley expounds Teilhard's argument; his Introduction does little more than to call attention to parallels between Teilhard's thinking and his own. Chief among these is the cosmic significance attached to a suitably generalized conception of evolution --- a conception so diluted or attenuated in the course of being generalized as to cover all events or phenomena that are not immobile in time. In particular, Huxley applauds the, in my opinion, mistaken belief that the so-called 'psychosocial evolution' of mankind and the genetical evolution of living organisms generally are two episodes of a continuous integral process (though separated by a 'critical point', whatever that may mean). Yet for all this Huxley finds it impossible to follow Teilhard 'all the way in his gallant attempt to reconcile the supernatural elements in Christianity with the facts and implications of evolution'. But, bless my soul, this reconciliation is just what Teilhard's book is about!
I have read and studied The Phenomenon of Man with real distress, even with despair. Instead of wringing our hands over the Human Predicament, we should attend to those parts of it which are wholly remediable, above all to the gullibility which makes it possible for people to be taken in by such a bag of tricks as this. If it were an innocent, passive gullibility it would be excusable; but all too clearly, alas, it is an active willingness to be deceived.



Peter Medawar

Sir Peter B. Medawar, OM, FRS (1915--1987). British immunologist of Arab extraction (which, as he said in Memoir of a Thinking Radish, makes him sound like a kind of gum). Won the Nobel Prize in Medicine in 1960 for work on tissue transplantation which eventually helped make organ transplants possible. In addition, he wrote extensively, and extremely well, on science and philosophy.
``Biology and Man's Estimation of Himself''
``On `The Effecting of All Things Possible' ''
``Does Ethology Throw Any Light on Human Behavior?''
``The Future of Man,'' the last of six lectures of the same title. This one is on ``exosomatic'' (i.e., mental) evolution and heredity.
Review of Pierre Teilhard de Chardin's The Phenomenon of Man
``Technology and Evolution''
http://vserver1.cscs.lsa.umich.edu/~crshalizi/Medawar/



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Pantheist Mysticism

Pantheist Mysticism vs. Created Reality

Ellen Myers

The orthodox Christian believes in the God of the Bible Who is apart from and above all things visible and invisible as their Creator out of nothing, and their sovereign Lord and Sustainer. The atheist believes that there is no God, claiming that empirically verifiable matter in motion is all there is. Such empirical reductionism is becoming eclipsed today, however, by what Thomas Molnar has called
    the spontaneous bent of the archaic mind which predominated in most parts of the world and which threatens to prevail once more in our time the temptation. to identify God and self, to recognize in the soul a divine substance, indeed the seat of divinity.1
We are witnessing the phenomenal growth of revived pantheist mysticism, which believes that God and nature are fundamentally one. To the modern "Western" as to the traditional "Eastern" pantheist mystic, "(t)here is no God 'out there' to relate to; there is only one's own inner divinity to discover."2 The historical roots of pantheist mysticism are ancient indeed. One modern pantheist mystic was Pitirim A. Sorokin (1889-1968), chairman of the department of sociology at Harvard University from 1930-1959. He stated that the roots of his religious philosophy, "Integralism," were in
    ... the ancient, powerful, and perennial stream of philosophical thought represented by Taoism, the Upanishads, and Bhagavad Gita. shared by all branches of Buddhism, including the Zen Buddhist thinkers. . by Heraclitus and Plato. . . reiterated by. . thinkers of the Neo-Platonic, the Hermetic, the Orphic, and other currents of thought.3
During the first three centuries A.D. several schools of pantheist mystic thought engaged in a protracted struggle against fledgling Christianity. They came to be known as "gnosticism" because they emphasized "gnosis" (Greek for "knowledge"), a special, esoteric type of knowledge available only to an inner spiritual elite of enlightened ("illuminated") initiates who had supposedly actualized their own latent divinity by means of their knowledge. Gnosticism comprised a very heterogeneous assortment of esoteric cults and teachings. All of them denied Biblical creation ex nihilo, "the Hebrew-Christian concept of separating God and man as Creator and created, or not confusing their natures, their persons, their powers."4

Molnar shows that when Gnosticism was defeated by the spreading Christian faith in the fifth century A.D., it was not totally extirpated but went underground, to survive and eventually resurface, especially during the Renaissance. One of its branches was "the Jewish Cabala which claimed to go back to the Jews' captivity in Babylon where they had supposedly studied the Brahmanic texts of india, and, later, the Persian spirituality."5 Another major strand of gnostic-pantheist mysticism Rosicrucianism goes back to Egypt, to the Persian magi, the Pythagoreans of ancient Greece, and to Arabia. Gnostic-pantheist mysticism in the forms of esoteric freemasonry, astrology and alchemy also flourished during the late Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Astrology and alchemy are "as old as the earliest mining and metallurgical activities of men . These esoteric teachings are intimately related."6 These teachings are in vogue again in our own days, sometimes violently. R.C. Zaehner, an Oxford historian of Oriental religions, has shown the link between ancient Brahmanic thought, the practice of Zen, and the beliefs of the Charles Manson Family, the Satanist cult which shocked America with the Tate-La Bianca murders in August 1 959~7 Revived astrology meets us today in every major daily newspaper.

Since alchemy, an important part of the pantheist mystic revival in the late Middle Ages and the Renaissance, is supposedly extinct today, the following points need to be made. Gary North has written:
    The mental image of the alchemist in the minds of most people, if any, is that of . . . the precursor of the modern chemist. Take one alchemist, remove his lust for gold, add the principles of secular Enlightenment philosophy, plus a dash of Cartesian methodology, and shake gently for two centuries; out pops modern chemistry. Not so. It was not the Enlightenment which produced modern science, but the Reformation (North bases this statement upon Robert K. Merton's doctoral dissertation, Social Theory and Social Structure, Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1957, chapter 18) . . alchemy was established on the principle of secret knowledge. It was the science of Gnosticism. Its technique was based on the idea that in the endless mixing of the same chemicals chemical opposites they would somehow transcend themselves after a hundred or a thousand repetitions.8
Now this tenet of alchemy that, given enough time and trials, chemicals will somehow transcend themselves is nothing but the scenario of modern emergent evolutionism. It resembles George Wald's famous dictum that if given enough time, the emergence of life from non-life by random processes, which is impossible according to modern scientific research and data, becomes possible, probable, and eventually virtually certain. It reminds us of the steady-state hypothesis of the origin of the universe proposed by Fred Hoyle in 1948 (and abandoned by him in 1965), which posits that there is such a thing as self-creating matter, namely. hydrogen, which, given enough time, condenses into galaxies, within which evolve stars, planets, animals and people. Another twentieth-century alchemist or rather, emergent evolutionist is the patron saint of "theistic" evolution, Pierre Teilhard de Chardin (1881-1955). Teuhard's typically gnostic-pantheist-mystic world view envisions the emergence of God from matter. culminating in the total transformation of matter into God, or "pure Spirit," or "Point Omega", or "the cosmic Christ." Teilhard himself wondered whether this Christ was the same as the Christ of the Gospels, in a letter to his close friend, Leontine Zanta.9

Lurking behind the transformation of matter into spirit is the transformation of man into God. Louis Pauwels and Jacques Bergier wrote:
    The real aim of the alchemist's activities. . is the transformation of the alchemist himself, his accession to a higher state of consciousness. The material results are only a pledge of the final result, which is spiritual. Everything is oriented towards the transmutation of man himself, towards his deification, his fusion with the divine energy, the fixed center from which all material energies emanate.10
Now since there is no room for a God "out there" who can bestow grace on man to do His will, man's mandate in the gnostic-pantheist mystic scheme of emergent evolution participation in God depends upon the initiative of man. Therefore it is all-important to discover and practice proper techniques to contact and fuse with one's "deepest self", "divine essence," or "universal Mind" (the terminology of pantheist mysticism varies). This inner divine essence is also the "self," "essence", "mind" or "spirit" permeating everyone and everything else in the pantheist-mystic scheme, (Separation between men and animals, plants and minerals is of course fundamentally an illusion in pantheist mysticism.) Thus it is not surprising that Sorokin, as the head of an endowment-funded organization known as the Harvard Center for Creative Altruism, conducted an analysis of
    …the ancient techniques of Yogas, Buddhism, Zen-Buddhism, Sufism the techniques invented by the founders of great religious and monastic orders Oriental and Occidental . . . the techniques of the eminent secular educators, such as Comenius, Pestalozzi, Montessori, Froebel and others.11
The goal of this analysis was "increased 'production, accumulation, and circulation of love energy,' . . . an extension of unselfish love of everyone on everyone in mankind,"12 Most of these same techniques are included in an exhaustive list of "psychotechnologies systems for a deliberate change in consciousness"13 by Marilyn Ferguson, an enthusiastic pantheist mystic, in her important book The Aquarian Conspiracy published 1980. The list contains many ultra-modern techniques not yet invented, or still controversial, during the life of Sorokin. Here is a condensation of Ferguson's list:
    Sensory isolation and overload: biofeedback; chanting; Psychodrama; the "consciousness-raising" strategies of various social movements calling attention to old assumptions; self-help and mutual-help networks cooperating with "higher forces" (sic) by looking inward; hypnosis and self-hypnosis; meditation including Zen, Tibetan Buddhist, chaotic, Transcendental, Kabbalist, kundalini, raja yoga, tantric yoga, etc.; various shamanic and magical techniques; seminars "which attempt to break the cultural trance and open the individual to new choices"; dream journals; Arica, Theosophy, and Gurdjieffian systems "which synthesize many different mystical traditions and teach techniques for altering awareness;
    Contemporary psychotherapies; body disciplines and therapies, such as hatha yoga, Reichian, the Bates system for vision improvement, aikido, karate, running, dance; sensitivity groups, encounter groups; solitary activities "which foster self-discovery and a sense of timelessness."14
Ferguson anticipated and endorsed the consensus of leading evolutionists gathered in Chicago in October 1980, and then publicized by Science and Time, that the Darwinian gradualist evolution model is obsolete in view of the fossil record. She welcomes the replacement model proposed by Stephen Jay Gould of Harvard and Niles Eldredge of the American Museum of History, "punctualism" or "punctuated equilibrium," as significant because
    …it opens us up to the possibility of rapid evolution in our own time, when the equilibrium of the species is punctuated by stress., . Pioneering becomes an increasingly psychospiritual venture since our physical frontiers are all but exhausted, short of space exploration. Given what we are learning about the nature of profound change, transformation of the human species seems less and less improbable.15
Ferguson also speculates that mankind's imminent "evolutionary leap" may be prompted by a "collective need," and lead to a community analogous to a Kenyan flattid-bug community which "is, in a sense, a single individual, a single mind, whose genes were influenced by its collective need."16 Just how the exterior "collective need" can change genetic material is not spelled out. The horrendous pictures of genetic manipulation ("the Bokanovsky process") to produce human flattid-bugs or ants imagined by Aldous Huxley in Brave New World are overlooked. So are the even more frightening pictures of psychological conditioning combined with torture (i.e. brainwashing) to produce human flattid-bugs or ants painted by George Orwell in 1984 (with Communism and Nazism as its real-life models). There is no hint in Ferguson that some of her recommended "psychotechnologies" are well-known ingredients in the brainwashing systems of modern totalitarian states (such as sensitivity and encounter groups, "sensory isolation and overload," or "solitary activities which foster self-discovery and a sense of timelessness"). Some of Ferguson's "psychotechnologies" are plain witchcraft ("various shamanic and magical techniques"). A certain camouflage, including occasional deceptive references to Bible passages and supposedly Christian beliefs and practices, is part of her presentation.

The approval of mankind's "evolutionary leap" into one single world-wide collective of necessity includes a push for openness towards communist views. Thus Stephen Jay Gould is quoted by Ferguson in connection with the new punctualist" evolution model:
    …we should consider alternative philosophies of change to enlarge our realm of constraining prejudices. In the Soviet Union, for example, scientists are trained with a very different philosophy of change They speak of the "transformation of quantity into quality." This may sound like mumbo jumbo, but it suggests that change occurs in large leaps following a slow accumulation of stresses that a system resists until it reaches the breaking point. Heat water and it eventually reaches a boiling point. Oppress the workers more and more and they suddenly break their chains.17
Gould's and the Soviet philosophy of change as "transformation of quantity into quality" parallels Teilhard de Chardin's dream of transformation of matter into spirit. Teilhard also fervently desired mankind's progress (?) toward a collective status like that of the Kenyan flattid-bugs. For example, in his essay "The Spirit of the Earth" he wrote about the "conspiracy" (sic) of individuals from every class and background he had seen while visiting America in 1931, and which, he thought (probably correctly), was engaged in a great effort to raise mankind to a new, higher stage, when men would "shake off their ancient prejudices and turn as one Man (emphasis added) to building the earth."18
It should not surprise us that the goal of pantheist mystics is a collectivistic "one world." Such a world would merely incarnate the pantheistic oneness they see underneath all things. What some of them may sincerely not perceive (Teilhard stressed his belief in "democracy"), or may willingly deceive themselves and each other into overlooking, is that all societies built by pantheist mystics in the past, or envisioned in fundamentally pantheist-mystical utopian fiction, have been variations of the Soviet inferno of the "Gulag Archipelago,"19 and must be such of necessity! For a collective society is administered by an oligarchy or a dictator, and for it to behave "as one Man" means the strict enforcement of total bondage to the administrators. A society cannot be truly pluralistic and monolithic at one and the same time. If mankind's next "evolutionary leap" makes mankind "in a sense, a single individual" then woe to men and women who will not fit the collective mold! They must be conformed to it by any and all means (for indeed that end, world-wide oneness in fusion with the god of the world justifies all means!) - or they must be discarded in the name of their own and the collective's welfare, the definition of "love." (And since they merely dissolve into chemicals when they are discarded - which chemicals still belong to the one world what harm is done, anyway? In the pantheist mystics' world, you can do no real wrong.) How fittingly Orwell named his "change agency for the transformation of society" "the Ministry of Love ("Miniluv")" in 1984!

This inherent pantheist-mystic drift toward totalitarianism may explain the curious blindness often found in the writings of pantheist mystics towards communist reality, and even occasionally towards fascism or Nazism. It is part of their all-pervading and fatuous optimism about the future "one world", which in turn is rooted in their denial of original sin. Again, if the reality in which we live and move is "all one" if "God" is us and we are God then the concept of good and evil as absolute opposites must be false. At most, "good" and "evil" are bound up with the pantheist world's evolutionary process This process is fondly seen in a continuous upward or forward direction in which, in horrible perversion of Romans 8:28, "all things work together for good."

Thus Teilhard could believe that the end of evolution was man joining with other men to make a kind of simple organism with a single Personal God. When that goal was reached, he proclaimed, "Everything that is hard, crusty, or rebellious. . . all that is false and reprehensible. . . all that is physically or morally evil will disappear . . . Matter will be absorbed into Spirit."20 Teilhard could also "once again" suggest in 1948 "the adoption of a truly human faith" combining the "rational force of Marxism" with the "human warmth of Christianity."21 The French Communist Roger Garaudy could quote Teilhard at some length in defending Communist-Roman Catholic dialogue, and he concluded his argument with a statement by Teilhard: "The synthesis of the (Christian! God of the Above and the (Marxist! God of the Ahead: this is the only God whom we shall in the future be able to adore in spirit and in truth."22 Teilhard also asserted in The Future of Man that "the modern totalitarian regimes, whatever their initial defects, are neither heresies nor biological regressions: they are in line with the essential trend of 'cosmic' movement."23 In Science and Christ he wrote: "Fascism represents possibly a blueprint, rather successfully done, of the world of tomorrow."24 Teilhard also anticipated the transformation of mankind into one single unit by the tool of eugenics, a notorious Nazi "change agent" to transform Germany into a pure Aryan society. In a 1946 debate on the subject of "Science and Rationality" he shocked the French Catholic philosopher Gabriel Marcel by
    . . refusing to permit even the appalling evidence of the experiments of the doctors at Oachau to modify his faith in the inevitability of human progress. "Man," he asserted, "to become fully man, must have tried everything ..." . . . since, unlike the lower animals, man no longer acted purely out of instinct, he would presumably abandon every new experiment the moment he saw it did not lead him to greater personalization..... Prometheus !" Marcel had cried, articulating the astonishment of most of the audience. "No," Teilhard replied, "only man as God has made him."25
Teilhard also saw the progress of humanity in the invention of nuclear weapons, and thus did not disapprove in principle of the atom-bombing of Hiroshima.26

It must be pointed out again that these Teilhardian views are not an aberration but rather a corollary of a consistent pantheist mystical world view. Within that view, however, divergence is possible and exists about the final state, goal or consummation of the entire process. Will the end state be personal or impersonal? Here Teilhard opted for progressive personalization. For instance, he objected to a famous Indian guru's "raw pantheism" because "(t)here could be no real love of neighbor without individuation a thing impossible in the pantheist perspective."27 The defense of Teilhard by his adherents against the accusation of heresy, for instance by Henri de Lubac, is based upon such Teilhardian "personalism."

Teilhard based his reconciliation of man's union with God and man's individuation at first sight incompatible within the pantheist mystic scheme upon his view that "union differentiates." However, union cannot differentiate if understood as fusion of the uniting entities; and it must inevitably be understood fundamentally and ultimately as fusion in a pantheist-mystical world view seeing the whole world as "all-one" already to begin with. Teilhard apparently never resolved this internal contradiction of his thought, but kept defending both distinct personality of individuals, and what he once called "totalization of the individual in the collective man."28 Like Sorokin, Teilhard thought of love as "cosmic energy."29 Viewed from the Biblical perspective, if Satan, the god of this world, and a person, is behind the gnostic-pantheistmystical scheme, as indeed he is according to the Scriptures Ephesians 6:12; I Corinthians 10:20; II Corinthians 4:4), then this internal contradiction between personalism and impersonalism within pantheist mysticism will be resolved in favor of personalism for those more truly attuned to their god.

Teilhard attempted to present his system as a Christian one, although he himself was aware of the difficulties of doing so. He wrote Leontine Zanta that he was trying to establish and diffuse
    …a new religion (let's call it an improved Christianity, if you like) whose personal God is no longer the great 'neolithic' landowner of times gone by, but the Soul of the world as demanded by the cultural and religious stage we have now reached.30
In order to spread this new religion under the label "Christian" which Teilhard desired in his capacity as a French Catholic priest, and a member of the Jesuit order a restatement of pivotal Christian beliefs was imperative. Regarding the doctrine of original sin, Teilhard wrote in a letter to a friend; "Evil is not 'catastrophic' (the fruit of some cosmic accident), but the inevitable side effect of the process of the cosmos unifying into God."31 Here he is merely anticipating what we have said about the pantheist mystics' denial of original sin Denial of original sin entails a reevaluation of the meaning of Christ's death at Calvary for the sins of the world. Teilhard accordingly wrote an essay on the meaning of Christ's cross in September 1952, in which he stated:
    Only when the Church accepted evolution's part in the Divine Plan, he reasoned, and saw the Cross as the symbol of this agonizing process, could she restore true value to the sign.. Only the concept of a Christ who was crucified not simply "to carry the sins of a guilty world" but "to carry the weight of an evolving world" could convert the "sign of contradiction" into the seal of strength.32
We have dwelled upon Teilhard in so much detail because he is so typical of modern "Western" pantheist mystics. and because they themselves cherish and acknowledge him as one of their most influential spokesmen.33 His church was not blind to his divergence from true Christianity; his prolific writings were and are considered heretical by the papacy, and banned from Catholic schools and bookstores (although this writer's copy of Teilhard's Letters to Leotine Zanta is prefaced by lower Catholic officials' Nihil Obstat and Imprimatur, implying that it is "considered free from doctrinal and moral error"). The papal encyclical Human Generis, issued by Pope Pius XII on August 12, 1950, was directed against Teilhard-type evolutionism in no uncertain terms In Paragraph 37 it upheld the historicity of the first eleven chapters of Genesis, and of a literal "individual Adam" who actually committed a sin from which original sin proceeds. Paragraphs states in part: "Some imprudently and indiscreetly hold that evolution, which has not been fully proved even in the domain of natural sciences, explains the origin of all things, and audaciously support the monistic and pantheistic opinion that the world is in continual evolution."34 Paragraph 37 also rules out polygenism (the descent of man from more than one original first man). which was a pet theory of Teilhard's. Paragraph 36 enjoins the discussion of evolution pertaining to the origin of man
    . . in such a way that the reasons for both opinions, that is, those favorable and those unfavorable to evolution, be weighed and judged with the necessary seriousness, moderation and measure . . .35
This sounds very much like the "two-model approach" creationists are demanding in American public schools. Humani Generis should be shared with Catholic friends concerned about evolutionism and Teilhardianism as the papacy's official pronouncement on this issue.
What is the practical outworking of the pantheist-mystic "conspiracy" right now? Ferguson's listing of certain "psychotechnologies" gives usa cue: (a) the "consciousness-raising" strategies of various social movements calling attention to "old assumptions": (b) self-help and mutual-help networks cooperating with "higher forces" by looking inward: and (c) seminars "which attempt to break the cultural trance and open the individual to new choices." Common to all three is the questioning of "traditional morality" (the "old assumptions" of our supposed "cultural trance"). Now "traditional" morality, though doubtless adulterated by sin, is the offspring of Biblical morality,35 which is rooted in the holiness, wisdom, and sovereign authority the character of the God of Creation. Now as ever since their god "raised the consciousness" of Adam in Eden, pantheist mystics will not submit to the God of the Bible and His created reality.

They are making tremendous headway today. For example, the "values clarification" techniques now being used in many American public schools37 are evidently part of their intended "transformation of society," in which teachers admittedly function as "change agents." The key premise of "values clarification" is that there is no absolute right or wrong (based upon emergent evolutionism in this monist universe), and that therefore each man, woman and child may and should determine his or her own relative value system or "alternative lifestyle" in which the Charles Manson Family is as good as the Bible-based "traditional" family. The gnostic-pantheist mystic will accept you with tolerant condescension it you refrain from murder, theft, fornication etc. because that is "your own thing." "But the temperature drops," C.S. Lewis wryly remarks, "as soon as you mention a God who has purposes and performs particular actions, who does one thing and not another, a concrete, choosing, commanding, prohibiting God with a determinate character."38 The most furious attack upon Christians today is that we "impose our morality upon others" especially on the subject of abortion, "gay rights," and even (still mutedly) incest.

The gnostic-pantheist mystic has ever resented that God created man male and female and charged him with procreation of his kind and with stewardship over the rest of material creation (Genesis 1:27-28). This resentment is directed against the created, fixed identity of man (men and women) and the creative decree of God circumscribing mankind's duties under Him. It is expressed either by extreme ascetic abstinence from sex and material things the "touch not, taste not, handle not" warned against in Colossians 2:2Off. or else by unbridled indulgence or perversion. This asceticism-libertinism dichotomy has been a notorious aspect of gnostic-pantheist mysticism throughout its history.39 The reasons should be obvious: one, the denial of original and all sin; and second, that once one says, "all is god/spirit" one may (ascetically) shun matter as "illusion" one may plunge into matter as divine one may even gorge upon matter in order to lose one's taste for it and so fuse with "pure spirit" it does not matter which. Ultimately nothing does mailer in the gnostic-pantheist mystic scheme, for despite all the glow of optimism about the next "evolutionary leap" and the upward and forward cosmic movement to some "Omega Point" where all that is is pure spirit no real transcendence to a really "higher state" is possible. If you are already god, and if all that is is already god - and if there is nothing else then haven't you reached your "goal" already? Alternately, is not talk about some future or goal meaningless? This is the ultimate void faced by the pantheist mystic. He has three options: (1) eat, drink and be merry, for tomorrow you will die; (2) hasten your absorption into Nirvana where you are freed from individual consciousness (Gautama Buddha's answer); (3) don't think about it all too much. There is, of course, another alternative: call upon the God of Creation and receive your life's meaning in Him, absolutely.
We must guard against viewing pantheist mysticism as some "new" development of our own day; it is merely the same old "religion" of the worshippers of the god of this world. C.S. Lewis gave us gripping fictional portraits of gnostic-pantheist mystic personalities in his Professor Weston, the "un-Man" of Perelandra, and in Straik, Wither and Frost of That Hideous Strength. Less striking but equally true is this great Christian apologist's sketch of the system itself which will sum up and conclude our discussion:
    So far from being the final religious refinement, Pantheism is in fact the permanent natural bent of the human mind . . It is the attitude into which the human mind automatically falls when left to itself. , . . If "religion" means simply what man says about God, and not what God does about man, then Pantheism almost is religion. And "religion" in that sense has, in the long run, only one really formidable opponent namely Christianity. . . . It is nearly as strong today as it was in ancient India or in ancient Rome. Theosophy and the worship of the life-force are both forms of it: even the German worship of a racial spirit (Lewis wrote shortly after World War II) is only Pantheism truncated or whittled down to suit barbarians. yet, by a strange irony, each new relapse into this immemorial "religion" is hailed as the last word in novelty and emancipation.40
     

REFERENCES
1 Thomas Molnar, "The Gnostic Tradition and Renaissance Occultism," The Journal of Christian Reconstruction, Vol.1, No.2 (Winter, 1974), 112.
2 Pat Means, The Mystical Maze, Campus Crusade for Christ, 1976, 25.
3 Ellen Myers, "Sorokin's `Integralism' vs. the Biblical Creation Position," Creation Social Science & Humanities Quarterly, Vol.11, No.1 (Fall 1979), 14-15,
4 Molnar, bc. cit. Also cf. Hans Jonas, The Gnostic Religion, Beacon Press, Boston, Second Enlarged Edition ph. 1963, passim.
5 Ibid,, 113.
6 Idem.
7 Idem. Also cf. the detailed description of the bizarre beliefs of the Manson Family in Ed Sanders, The Family, Avon, New York, First Avon Printing, May, 1972. Chapter Eight, "Helter Skelter," and Chapter Nine, "The Solar Lodge of the O.T.O.", are especially revealing.
8 Gary North, "The Morning of the Magicians" by Louis Pauwels and Jacques Bergier, a Book Review, The Journal of Christian Reconstruction, Vol.1, No.2 (Winter, 1974), 184. This writer read the book by Pauwels and Bergier in its entirety at the time of its publication 11973), and agrees with North that it "has now given to Gnosticism an audience wider than GnostICS would ever have believed possible" (loc Cit., 187).
9 Pierre Teuhard de Chardin, Letter's to Leontine Zanta, Harper & Row, Publishers, New York and Evanston, 1969, 114.
10 Louis Pauwels and Jacques Bergier, quoted by North in The Journal of Christian Reconstruction, bc. Cit.. 184-185.
11 Myers, Op Cit., 25.
12 Idem.
13 Marilyn Ferguson, The Aquarian Conspiracy, J.P. Tarcher, Inc., 9110 Sunset Blvd., Los Angeles, Calif. 90069,87.
14 Ibid. 86-87.
15 Ibid. 159.
16 Ibid, 162.
17 Ibid, 160.
18 Mary Lukas and Ellen Lukas, Tejihard, Doubleday & Co., Inc., Garden City, New York, 1977, 121-132.
19 cf. IgorShafarevich, The Socialist Phenomenon. Harper & Row, Publishers, New York, 1980. The importance of this thoroughly researched study cannot be overemphasized.
20 Lukas and Lukas, op. cit., 50.
21 Ibid, 249.
22 Leo S. Schumacher, The Truth About Teithard, Twin Circle Publishing Co., 86 Riverside Dr., New York, NY 10024,1968,33. This is a well researched and annotated study by a Catholic priest. Since the original publisher has gone out of business, individual copies of this study may be obtained from Mary Immaculate Queen of the Universe Center, P.O. Box 1207, Coeur d'Alene, Idaho 68814 (price quoted in 1981 was $1.00 per copy ppd.)
23 Ibid, 34.
24, Idem.
25 Lukas and Lukas, Op. Cit., 237-238. This biography of Teuhard is written from an admiring perspective, and hence all the more valuable as a source for Teilhard Critics.
26 Dietrich von Hildebrand, Trojan Horse in the City ofGod, Franciscan Herald Press, Chicago, IL 60609, Revised Edition March 8,1967, 232. Dr. von Hildebrand personally met and talked with Teilhard in 1951 upon the recommendation of Teilhard's friends and supporters, Father Henri de Lubac and Msgr. Bruno de Solages (bc. Cit., 227). Dr. von Hildebrand, himself a noted Catholic philosopher, was bitterly disappointed in Teuhard, especially by his exclamation regarding St. Augustine: "Don't mention that unfortunate man; he spoiled everything by introducing the supernatural." (loc. cit., 227). The entire appendix (pp. 227-253) of Trojan Horse in the City of God, entitled "Teilhard de Chardin: A False Prophet" is a scholarly philosophical treatise on the incompatibility of Teilhard with orthodox Catholicism.
27 Ibid., 251.
28 cf. Ibid, 231ff.
29 Ibid., 234.
30 Teillhard, op. cit., 114.
31 Lukas and Lukas, op. &t, 342.
32 Ibid, 312-313.
33 Ferguson, op. c,t. 420. Teithard was named as the most influential upon the thought of some 185 "Aquarian conspirators" polled by Ferguson in preparation of The Aquarian Conspiracy. This writer was asked for materials exposing the heresies of Teilhard when
she visited Europe in 1980, because of the popularity of his thought among European Catholics.
34 Pope Pius XII, Humani Generis, Encyclical Letter concerning some false Opinions which Threaten to Undermine the Foundations of Catholic Doctrine. Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, August 12, 1950. Order from Daughters of St. Paul, 50 St. Paul's Ave., Jamaica Plain, Boston, MA 02130. Estimated 1981 price S .50 per copy ppd.
35 Ibid, 15.
36 This is true not only for "Western traditional morality" but universally. Cf. C.S. Lewis, The Abolition of Man, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1947, Fourth Printing 1968, Appendix, "Illustration of the Tao."
37 For more information on "values clarification" and related programs, contact Pro-Family Forum, P.O. Box 14701, Fort Worth, Texas 76117.
38 C.S. Lewis, Miracles, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1947, Eleventh
Printing 1971,83.
39 Cf. the excellent, scholarly discussion of "Gnostic Morality" by HansJonas, The Gnostic Religion, Beacon Press. Boston, Second Enlarged Edition, pb. 1963,270-281. For an allegorical treatment, see C.S. Lewis, The Pdgrim's Regress, Wm. B.
Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, MI, 1958, reprinted January 1979, Book Eight, Chapter One, "Two Kinds of Monist," 138-141.
40 C.S. Lewis, Miracles, 85.
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Monday, October 7, 2013

Primacy: How the Institutional Roman Catholic Church Became a Creature of the New World Order

"Primacy: How the Institutional Roman Catholic Church Became a Creature of the New World Order" was to be Father Martin's last book. Then he was murdered, same as Father Vincent Miceli was a few years before. Whenever anyone who knows the inside tells the truth about the Vatican since its total Apostasy from God at Vatican II, the Judenratz-Freemasonic crime cartel Rosicrucian Satanists will murder them.

Doctrinally, at the core of the Apostasy of Vatican II was and is Modernism. Below is Father Malachi Martin's expose of that evil godless heresy.

This is from: The Jesuits, The Society of Jesus and the Betrayal of the Roman Catholic Church, by Malachi Martin 1987, ISBN: 0-671-54505-1
All copyrighted sources are quoted and used for comment and education in accord with the nonprofit provisions of: Title 17 U.S.C., Section 107. The use of all these sources is in accordance with Title 17 U.S.C., Section 107 and is protected under the Fair Use doctrine.
pp. 264-284 Wherein Father Martin’s history and indictment of the Modernists is presented. Father Martin utterly rejected modernism and showed it for what it was, the rejection of God and His Christ and the whole faith.
264 THE LIBERATORS
“We humans have our rightful place in the long, still-unfolding drama, the biological adventure that is cosmic development,” said the nineteenth-century unbeliever, looking up from his microscope. “From the worm up to man! Come! Join in!”
The new humanism underlined our privilege of being human together in a purely material cosmos. It championed human membership in that cosmos as something inherent in cosmic history, a happenstance that dated from remote beginnings in the primeval “soup” of lifeless chemicals on an ancient morning, all the way to the erect posture of Homo sapiens, and down to the scientist, the scholar at work on fossils and atoms, and his more practical- minded colleagues, the new social engineers. We are “brothers of the boulders, sisters of the stars,” in the words of one latter-day scientist.
Everything about the new unbelief was different from the past. In its heyday during the nineteenth and three-quarters of the twentieth centuries, the new unbelievers and those who understood them called the new attitude or outlook “being modem” or “modernist.” Modernism became the normal mode of thinking congenial to the unbelievers of Western nations. The Modernist mind foresees all sorts of “goodies” for mankind, and quite a spectacular development, if people will only consent to change.
The one obstacle to that sustained and spectacular development Modernism promised was a certain stubborn resistance to change, a certain fixity of religious belief, the clinging by many to ancient dogmas. Of course, any organized religion presented such an obstacle. But, for the new race of unbelievers and Modernists, the Christian churches and in particular the Roman Catholic Church were the prime creators of the obstacle.
No church, however, had had the history of the Catholic Church in this matter, because for hundreds of years Rome actually fed, regulated, and controlled all intellectual and artistic development in Europe and Latin America. By the end of the nineteenth century, Catholic clerical regulation of learning, research, and inquiry had had a long history marked by bitter experiences of ecclesiastical control over human destinies.
The new breed of unbelievers automatically had a deep antipathy for that control by churchmen. It had retarded man’s develop. ment, they said. It offended man’s dignity. Clerics themselves spoiled the natural unity of men by their churlish divisiveness, and their quarrels over abstract ideas and propositions and dogmas
—formulated by other men long dead and moldering in dust— impeded modernity. Worst of all, clerics forbade change. They al-
265 THE WINSOME DOCTRINE
-lowed no adaptation. If that clericalism and ecclesiastical control could be liquidated, men would be free to develop and meet the challenges of a new world.
The attitude, this increasingly militant, anticlerical unbelief, stood for what has come to be called secular humanism.
Unbelief, of itself, could not unseat popular belief and attachment to traditional religion among the masses of ordinary people. The very language it spoke was unintelligible to the ordinary mind. Of its very nature it was a development that suited the sophisticated minds of the learned, the well-educated.
For churchmen, on the other hand, as well as for other religious leaders and thinkers, theologians and social scientists, the new attitude represented a cup of fresh, sparkling water held out to them in what had become for many a tiring, wearisome, repetif tious desert. There was, in fact, a noticeable lassitude, an uninventiveness, a sameness and monotony, to be found in the thought of Roman Catholic thinkers of the early nineteenth century. The dominant trait was a siege mentality. Historical events—the French Revolution; the Napoleonic wars; the rise of such great Protestant powers as the British, German, and Dutch empires, and the American Union; the rabid anticlericalism rampant in Europe
—reduced Catholic intellectual activity to the spasmic reactions of retort, refutation, repetition.
Adding a taste of gall to this barren monotony was the obvious progress of science, and the substantial social betterment achieved by people who were either unbelievers or at least dead set against Rome, Romanism, and the intellectual tradition of Rome.
A great desire to join in the success, to participate in the “new age,” to be colleagues of those who were pushing the frontiers of human knowledge far beyond all conceivable limits, began to play on the intelligentsia of the Church. Surely, they concluded, the Church must also evolve and therefore change. They too (in the Swami’s words) were “climbing up from truth to truth that is higher.”
Not surprisingly, the one visible and known organization that perceived clearly what harm this Modernism could wreak on its very soul was the Roman Catholic Church. For if Modernism were accepted, the backbone of Roman Catholicism would be broken, and before long its body would be an eviscerated ruin.
Roman Catholicism was built on fixed dogma and belief, and was tied irrevocably to the tradition that the personal representative of God on earth lived in a small but distinct enclave on the banks of the Tiber in Rome, Italy. From there, he authoritatively
266 THE LIBERATORS
claimed fixed truths about belief and morality. There was a whole gamut of such traditional teachings dealing with every aspect of human life from before the womb to after the tomb and beyond, into God’s eternity. Such traditions could not be changed without altering Catholicism completely.
Already in the 1840s, Italian philosopher Vincenzo Gioberti stated flatly that “the Church will have to reconcile herself with the spirit of the age.
. . and with modem times. . . .“ Otherwise, he said, the Church would perish. Within thirty years of Gioberti’s death in 1852, leading Catholic scholars in France and Italy had succumbed to the power and charm of the new outlook. The continual progress of science, a new cast to the studies of Biblical scholars, the huge vogue of Darwinian evolution, were beginning to have their effect. Supernatural revelation and knowledge, wrote Monsignor d’Hulst, Rector of the Institut Catholique in Paris, must not only look reasonable; it must be “reasonable, if it were to enter the mainstream.”
In practice, of course, this and other statements like it meant that if a conflict of ideas arose between Church teaching and science, the Church should modify or do away with her teaching.
Instead, however, the Roman Catholic Church attacked Modernism directly and by name as a heretical belief on a par with such major heresies of prior ages as Arianism and Pelagianism back in the third and fourth centuries. It pilloried the main principle of Modernism, that all of religion changes, must change, with all of culture according as men make progress and become better in their humanness. The Church of Rome forbade anyone even tinged with Modernism to occupy a teaching post in its seminaries and universities. Church authorities hounded any such people out of all positions of influence. It imposed a solemn oath of abjuration of Modernism on all its theologians. Publicly and officially, Modernism had no chance of resisting the papal attack within the confines of the Church.
Nevertheless, covert though it was, Modernism made its inroads in the Church. For the intellectual, for the culturally sophisticated, there remained that winsome attraction of the unbeliever
—as well as his modernity. The Modernist mind was that of hundreds who helped mightily in bettering man’s lot. He originated socially beneficial legislation. Modernists championed the underdog. They displayed none of the hate that was rife between differing religions. They claimed no infallibility. Surely, it was argued by Catholic theologians, there must be some truth in a lot of what the Modernists proposed?
267 THE WINSOME DOCTRINE
We know of scores of Roman Catholic thinkers and theologians who felt that their Church’s ban on Modernism was ill-conceived, myopic, the product of an archaic mentality and medieval superstition, a reaction of fear. Most of them were punished. Most of them submitted—some genuinely, others as a matter of form—in order to survive and await a better day. They went underground.
We also have on record what the attitude was in the Society of Jesus on the issue of Modernism around this time. At GC23, which met in Rome from September 16 to October 23, 1883, the Delegates gave unqualified support to the papal condemnation of Modernism. They instructed the then Father General, Anton Anderledy of Switzerland, “that by every means he take care to keep this plague out of the Society.”
Clearly, however, the record shows that the attractiveness of the new attitude of unbelief, this Modernism, had made itself felt in the Society. Some Delegates to GC23 argued that the Church existed to save men, not to condemn errors. The unbelieving Modernists, they argued, were trying to do good. Would it not be better to adopt a more sympathetic and understanding attitude to these Modernists? How else could modern man of the 1880s be led “suavely and sweetly” to consider Christ and his salvation?
Of course, those voices advocating what they called a “positive” approach were drowned out by the overwhelming majority of Delegates. The papacy had spoken. The matter was decided. But the sound of those voices would be heard louder, clearer, and far more dominantly just one hundred years later. The same argument for a sympathetic approach would be used to exclude fidelity to the will and decision of the papacy.
A result of the propapal attitude of that time was certainly that in the formal training of Jesuits and in their published works, there was no advocacy of Modernism. But it can be said just as certainly that around this time a Modernist trend of thought entered the
V intellectual tradition of the Roman Catholic Church and the Society of Jesus.
Modernism was never, during that intervening period—the first fifty years of the twentieth century—professed overtly or openly taught. Indeed, no official Church body was more zealous in promoting papal extirpation of Modernism than the Higher Superiors of the Society up to the middle of the twentieth century. Still, a Modernist mind existed as the “upper ceiling of thought” beneath which many Catholic scholars, Jesuits included, faithfully taught the traditional doctrines of Rome. Many also joined the underground of crypto-Modernists. There was always the possibility
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that one day circumstances would permit that covert mind to pierce beyond that ceiling, and to experiment in the “blue yonder,” if only “the old Church” would yield to common sense and crumble in its defensive siege mentality.
That dream was not always a passive thing. The more prominent and active of these crypto-Modernist Catholic theologians and thinkers vented their efforts to hasten the arrival of that longed-for day. A veritable brotherhood arose between them. They exchanged private copies of their speculations and theories, met at international “scientific” Catholic congresses, held private discussions, promoted each other’s pupils and books, and corresponded at length with each other. Their attitude was well summed up by one of their more brilliant members, the famed French historian Monseigneur Louis Marie Olivier Duchesne.7
In a consoling and advisory letter to one of the brotherhood, Pierre Hébert, headmaster at the influential Paris
Ecole Fénelon, Duchesne told Hébert to act cautiously, attempt no “reform” of the “medievalist” teachings of the Roman Church, because the “only outcome of such attempts would be to get oneself thrown out of the window... .“ No, Duchesne went on, Hébert “should teach what the Church teaches. But leave the explanation to make its way privately. . . .“ Then he expressed the secretly nurtured hope of the brotherhood: “It may be that despite all appearances, the old ecclesiastical edifice is going one day to tumble down.
Should this happen, no one will blame us for having supported the old building for as long as possible.” The abiding cynicism of Duchesne’s words is clear.
When one recalls Duchesne’s reputation and standing as a Roman Catholic scholar, and the enormous influence he wielded through his learned writings both on theologians and theology professors of his own time, and on successive generations of seminarians—the future priests and bishops of his Church—one begins to realize that the new outbreak of Modernism in the sixties of this century was no accident, no mere coincidence. It had been long and carefully seeded by hidden operatives like Duchesne.
Even after a second and fiercer onslaught on Modernists and their Modernism by Pope Pius X in the first ten years of the twentieth century, the underground continued on. A group of young French Jesuits calling themselves
La Pensée (Thought) flourished in the twenties; they met privately in their free time in order to discuss the more advanced thinkers in the Society. One effort by their Jesuit Superiors to disband them in 1930 failed. Through the years of World War II and into the late forties, “they never ceased
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advancing in their notions of Christ and of Christianity,” as Father Teilhard de Chardin, one of their prominent members, recalled later.
By the middle of the 1940s, strange rumors started to reach the sensitive ears of Pope Pius XII about de facto acceptance within pockets of the Church of new theories about creation; about denials of Church teaching about Original Sin, the divinity of Jesus, the primacy and infallibility of the Pope. Pius issued two encyclicals—Mediator Dei and Humani Generis—attacking errors that, in the eyes of the open, above-ground, everyday, public Church, were nowhere to be found. He condemned those who would gravely change the ceremonial of Roman Catholic Liturgy (“they would remove the Tabernacle from the altar”), and those who would let the hypotheses of scientists concerning the origin of man determine what Catholics should believe. He reasserted all the basic traditional Church doctrines.
Not until much later did it become clear that his targets were theologians and thinkers in seminaries who in private were not only experimenting with the new notions, but were privately communicating these notions to their students.
La Pensée was under papal attack.
“The members of
La Pensée will cling to their positions. . . ,“ de Chardin prophesied (with the same willfulness that would later become a hallmark of his fellow Jesuits), “and ultimately they will prevail. For they alone are truly active and capable of communicating their thought since they alone have adapted to the new method.
Because French Jesuit seminaries were considered to be hotbeds of budding Modernism, in 1948 Jesuit Father General Janssens sent a stalwart conservative, Belgian Jesuit Edouard Dhanis, to visit the seminaries and houses of studies in that country. On completing his visitation, Dhanis recommended the dismissal of several professors and the removal of certain books from the seminary libraries. But, apparently, his efforts were to no purpose.
La Pensée, in one form or another, behaved as Teilhard de Chardin had prophesied. Consequently, at an international assembly of Jesuits in 1950, Janssens delivered a sharply worded rebuke to the errant intellectuals of the Society. They were lax, he said, in their interpretation of Church doctrine, and they had shown themselves unenthusiastic for the defense of the Pope’s encyclical letters that directly addressed the relationship of science and Church teaching about the origins of the human race.
Although five more professors were “resigned” from their posts
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in France, for members of the brotherhood it was now clearly a waiting game; and what they awaited was the demise of the authoritarian Pope, Pius XII, and the arrival of a more tolerant regime in the Church. In the meantime, similar convulsions began in the Order of the Dominicans. Their Father General had to reprove two prominent theologians, Marie-Dominique Chenu and Yves Congar, because they were too unorthodox for doctrinal safety in their thinking and teaching.
There is no way, no rational way, to explain the apparently overnight conversion to a Modernist stance of the Society of Jesus in its thinkers, Superiors, and principal activists in the sixties of this century unless you accept that really
it was not an overnight thing, and realize that a Modernist current had entered the Society’s intellectual tradition all the way back in the last decades of the nineteenth century, and that it had lived underground among the members of the “brotherhood” in clandestine groups such as La Pensée, waiting for its day of destiny in the sunlight. In its long, covert preparation, Modernism within the Church and in the Society of Jesus had simply matured; had developed a point of view among the intelligentsia of Church and Society; and now it needed only freedom of action to demonstrate its relevance and acceptability.
That the “brotherhood” labored in covert during those early years with precisely this end in view, there can be little reasonable doubt. Among the many clear signposts that point to this fact, three are so vital that they demand notice. Each one is stronger than the last in the context of classical Jesuitism.
There was, first, the example of Jesuit George Tyrrell, who was finally condemned by Rome and dismissed from the Society because of his Modernist views. Tyrrell was overcome by the “helpfulness” of Modernists compared to the hard, do-or-die, either-for- me-or-against-me attitude of papacy and Church. Above all, the new experts in Bible studies convinced him that Roman Catholic belief was founded on a mythical, not an accurate, reading of the Bible. All in all, those views, or at least many of them, are held by Jesuits today. The correspondence between the two points of view
—Jesuit Tyrrell’s and modern Jesuits’—is very often chillingly close.
Another signpost of Modernism’s effective progress during its covert existence was the still stranger case of Jesuit Father Pierre Teilhard de Chardin. Teilhard was enthralled by what scientists were claiming to establish about prehistory—that enormously long period when our present cosmos was in geophysical gestation.
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For him, the hypothesis of evolution proposed by Darwin was a proven fact. He proceeded to adapt Roman Catholicism to that “fact.” He elaborated a whole new theory about Catholicism and Christianity. The strangeness of his case lies in the fact that Jesuits, whose undoubted intellectual powers could have made mincemeat of Teilhard’s work, instead took him as their front- runner in philosophical and theological matters that concerned their Catholic faith vitally; and that today, above all, he holds an honored position in the Jesuit Hall of Fame, as well as an ascendancy over the Jesuit mind.
The third, and the strangest, of these most significant signposts of Modernism’s early, covert hold on the Society was provided by what we know nowadays as Liberation Theology. Properly speaking, Liberation Theology was a Jesuit creation; and it has dominated the practical decisions of the Society’s last three General Congregations. With the emergence of Liberation Theology and its concrete applications to the visible world of poverty in Latin America and the teaching of theology all over the Church Universal, the hitherto covert stream of Modernism in the Society gushed forth in full force from its subterranean channels and flowed far and wide in the bright sunlight. Its long-awaited day of destiny had arrived.
272 - 13 GEORGE TYRRELL, S.J.  I
George Tyrrell was born in Ireland of English parents in 1861. After converting from the Anglican Church to ________ Roman Catholicism in 1879, he entered the Society of Jesus in England one year later. Once his Jesuit formation was finished, he taught philosophy to young Jesuits-in-training at the Jesuit Stonyhurst College for two years, from 1894 to 1896. There never was any doubt about his religious zeal, and no fault was found with his practice of normal Jesuit asceticism. He was, moreover, a man who formed deep and lasting friendships, and aroused a personal devotion to himself in those he counseled and helped spiritually.
Early in his teaching career, however, doubts arose about his judgment in intellectual matters; and in spite of his conversion, which was sincere, and his Jesuit training, which was thirteen years long, he sometimes gave the impression that he had never really grasped the underpinnings of Catholic belief. Whatever
it was that was not quite well-adjusted, both he and his Superiors decided he would do better in a more actively apostolic setting. So he moved to London and lived at the Farm Street Jesuit residence as one of the Jesuit priests attached to the adjoining church.
By the time he moved to London, he had already become enamored of the outlook professed by the European Modernists of his day. He was disenchanted with the official policies of his Jesuit
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Superiors concerning Modernism, with the quiescence of his fellow Jesuits as a group, and with the policies of the papacy and the Roman hierarchy of his time. In the glory of Victorian England and the Pax Britannica, what Tyrrell took to be the siege mentality of Rome seemed so unworthy of man, so uselessly backward. The First Vatican Council, which ended in 1870, had declared that the infallibility of the Pope was a revealed dogma to be believed on faith by all Catholics. This was totally unacceptable to Modernists. Even before that, Pope Pius IX had issued two lacerating documents against Modernism, reiterating all the old—and for Tyrrell, cliché-ridden—dQctrines and “medievalisms” of the old Church. All of this added up to defensive authoritarianism in Tyrrell’s mind.
During his own student days, Tyrrell had been very impressed with the results of the “higher criticism” leveled at the Bible, and with the promise of science to open up the universe. “The Modernist,” he wrote later, “demands absolute freedom for science in the widest sense of that term.” He refused to allow “theology to be tied down to any stereotyped statements, but only to the religious experiences of which certain statements are the spontaneous self-chosen expressions.” The fixed dogmas of Rome were his target.
For some time, his real thought and outlook escaped any acrid notice or condemnation. He does seem to have had an agenda all his own, its principle being that in a series of publications he would unobtrusively introduce the substance of his ideas for reforming Catholicism and bringing it up to date—for “modernizing it.” Thus, the irony and weaving style of his first five books covered over his full meaning. An article of his on Hell written in 1899 did provoke sharp criticisms from his Jesuit censors, but no profound criticism of where he was going intellectually.
For some time, then, his thought and outlook escaped any condemnation. Catholics of the time, including English Jesuits, were not of themselves likely to find most of what Tyrrell said and wrote objectionable—but just peculiar. He was, after all, trying to help modern-minded people to believe. Rome, so distant from England, seemed wrapped up in its own formalism.
Inevitably, however, one of Tyrrell’s writings came in for heavy censorship by his Jesuit Superiors in Italy as being extremely dangerous and steering close to heresy. He was warned. Undaunted, he began to publish and circulate his writings privately, sometimes using a pseudonym. Finally, in 1906, his position came to a head. Tyrrell was asked by the Father General to retract his views
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formally. He refused and was therefore dismissed from the Society. He retired to a private residence at Starrington.
Because he was denied access to the Sacraments, he assumed he had been excommunicated from the Church. But, publicly at least, no formal bill of excommunication was issued against him. His former Jesuit Superiors wished to avoid the public scandal of a Jesuit in open revolt against the Pope. Moreover, although some English Jesuits and bishops were thought to be in secret sympathy with his views, Jesuits and bishops alike feared Rome’s anger; the tendency on both sides therefore was to cover the affair up as quietly as possible. What no one said out loud was that Tyrrell in refusing to retract his Modernist views had incurred automatic excommunication; he had deliberately left the Roman Catholic Church. He could not be given the Sacraments of the Church.
One of Tyrrell’s Modernist friends, French priest Henri Brémond, wrote him pooh-poohing the excommunication as “a little Roman formality” of no eternal significance. This probably was Tyrrell’s own point of view. For him, for Brémond, and for all the Modernists, Rome no longer mattered. The Church for them was something other than the Roman Catholic hierarchic institution, something with new laws and a totally different structure.
Tyrrell, therefore, kept on publishing and lecturing and giving spiritual counsel undauntedly right up to his early and unexpected death in 1909, at the age of forty-eight. Among his last spoken words—he was unable to talk in the last few days before he died on July 15—was a firm refusal to retract his Modernist views, which by then were widely known.
The local bishop where Tyrrell died refused his body Christian burial in a Catholic cemetery, just as he had refused to allow the dying man to receive the Last Rites of the Church. To accept him or his mortal remains officially with formal Catholic Rites would have been a clear signal that a total revolt against Rome, its bishops, and its promulgated doctrine made no difference; that you could be a Modernist and still be regarded as a member of the Church in good standing. This was precisely the point that Tyrrell had hoped to make, and that the Modernists aimed at inculcating:
that the day of Rome’s primacy and leadership in the Church was over.
In spite of the bishop’s ban, however, some priests who were friends and associates of Tyrrell’s did administer the Last Rites to the dying man, and did pray over his grave. The reason for his dismissal by the Jesuits, as for the bishop’s refusal of Last Rites and of Christian burial, was, therefore, Tyr-
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-rell’s stark refusal to retract his Modernist views. Tyrrell was indeed what he proudly called himself: a Modernist. For all of that, however, he was not uncritical, and could even be quite sardonic in poking fun at his more nebulous fellow Modernists. Having listened to the frothy Baron Friedrich von Hugel for a whole evening, he said that for von Hugel “nothing is true, but the sum total of nothings is sublime!” For all of his short life, Tyrrell remained in close touch with his Modernist colleagues in France and Italy and England; he was fully committed to the cause.
What makes Tyrrell’s case most relevant in any assessment of a large number of Jesuits today—as well as an equally large number of theologians and bishops—is the uncanny resemblance between their views and Tyrrell’s views, between their attitude to papacy and Church hierarchy and Tyrrell’s attitude. The striking and vital difference is that today there are so many Tyrrells still held in good standing—that, unlike Tyrrell himself, they are still at their teaching posts in seminaries and universities; still retained in the Society of Jesus; still heading their episcopal sees. In other words, while Tyrrell in retrospect cuts the sorry and pathetic figure of a man (to quote a Slav proverb) who tried “to turn back the Danube River with a fork,” whatever rot made him a pariah then has today a firmer and more widespread hold in the Society of Jesus and in the Roman Catholic Church. The credit for that lies to an appreciable degree at his own door.
All of Tyrrell’s difficulties and his ultimate lapse into grave heresy centered around that keystone element of the Roman Catholic Church: the hierarchy and teaching authority of Pope and bishop and, ultimately, of priest. As the Church is structured and functions, this hierarchy delivers dogmas and other formulations of belief to the people for their loyal adhesion. Theologians can research and speculate on the data of faith. They can inquire into new avenues of thought. But only this triad—Pope, bishop, and priest—form the teaching Church. The people, theologians included, form the believing Church.
The adhesion of the believing Church to the doctrine delivered uniquely and authoritatively by the teaching Church is and has always been considered the crux of being a good Catholic, a member of the True Church.
Tyrrell argued against both the structure and function of the hierarchical Church. What that Church produced, he said in essence, was merely “an engineered unity” that had nothing to do with real spiritual unity. It was nothing more than a product of medievalism. Medievalism, he said, always holds on to the same
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outworn ideas and institutions. Modernism, on the other hand, “slides with the lines” of human development. Tyrrell presented himself unabashedly as antimedievalist and Modernist.
He was painstakingly explicit, and went back to basics. “Religion,” he said, “is shown to be the spontaneous result of irrepressible needs of man’s spirit which finds satisfaction in the inward and emotional experience of God within us.” For the Spirit of God is in us all. The human spirit awakens to self-consciousness and recognizes its kinship with that Spirit which is striving to express itself in the historical process of science, morality, and religion.
Christ did not teach dogmas, ideas, or theories, Tyrrell maintained. The central inspiring theme of his preaching was his own near-future return in glory as the Son of Man to judge the whole world. But in that, according to Tyrrell, Christ miscalculated. The wait turned out to be a long one. In the meantime, Christ served to recall man to “inwardness” and the true “vitality of religion.” Contrary to Church teaching, Jesus made no provision for an institution like the papacy, nor did he believe in or know the future.
What did happen then? That is, if the Church was not instituted
by Christ, how was it created and what was its true nature and
function?
For Tyrrell, the answer was that the same Spirit that created Christ, created the Church as a passing phase in the ongoing religious process. When the real inspiration of Christ’s preaching died out with the death of the last of the twelve Apostles who had known Christ in the flesh, there arose a number of loosely federated communities of believers—what today would be called Base Communities,
communidades de base—living a strictly democratic life and endowed with authority directly from the Spirit to teach what should be believed. Gradually, the present “highly centralized ecclesiastical empire” of the Catholic Church was imposed by human wile and ambition. Authority to teach was erroneously displaced from the communities of believers to this “ecclesiastical empire” of Pope and bishops and priests.
The argument is a lethal one for the Catholic faith and, if accepted, leads directly to a perfect expression of Modernism: The gift and the truth of faith—what is called the deposit of faith— was confided originally to the people. Fundamentally, the “Church” (that federation of communities) is democratic; and the only norm of faith is the democratic consensus of the people. That is to say: The “people,” and not the Pope, is the Vicar of Christ. Neither Pope nor bishops channel the Word of God to the people.
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The people have the Word already. The collective religious life of the people is the ultimate criterion of truth.
As a consequence, “what makes a Catholic is not this or that abstract theory of the Roman Church but a belief in the historical Catholic Community as the living outgrowth of the apostolic mission.” Faith in the world thus becomes more fundamental than faith in the Church; for the world—humanity—is by revised definition the fuller and all-inclusive revelation of God.
Furthermore, as each age comes and goes, men invent formulas that reflect only one stage in the growth of the spirit in humanity. With another age, new formulas must be invented. Belief itself, therefore, changes. That is the true religious process. No intellectual truth, no dogma, has been given to us by God for our permanent assent. We have been given merely “a way of life,” the highest life of the soul. Any and all formulas or dogmas of churchmen have no more authority for individuals than the formulas of scientists about anthropology or atoms or history. They all change, because they all progress, as humanity progresses.
What then about the Roman Catholic Church? Well, it was an experiment. And, to give it its due, at one dangerous stage for God’s revelation in the early days, it was a necessary thing in order to keep memories of Christ alive. But those days were over, Tyrrell said. Humanity had progressed. Ideally today, the Pope and the bishops should merely formulate the feelings and beliefs of the faithful. The Pope, properly speaking, should be the publicly accepted and final exponent of the people’s feelings and faith. But, all in all, the ecclesiastical experiment known as the Roman hierarchic Church had outlived its usefulness. It now represented
a perversion and stultification of a system that once promised such great things for the good of humanity.”
Put simply, it was time to move on. In all its charity, the Modernist hope was that the Church would cease to claim divine origin and immutable doctrines and fixed government by Pope and bishops. If only she were to offer her spiritual services to civilization, then the Church too could reenter the religious process of humanity, and thus help toward the ultimate goal.
What goal? The “Catholic ideal of an international and universal religion inspired by the idea of democracy as the original constitution of the church.” The Roman Catholic ecclesiastically-run Church must conform to the iron laws of the religious process leading inexorably to this goal.
A hard fact had to be faced in all this, Tyrrell admitted: The
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Roman Catholic Church might have to die “in order that it may live again in a greater and a grander form.” Why? Because, Modernist charity aside, there was no earthly hope that the ecclesiastical authorities would change their medievalist doctrines in the light of modernity—in the light of man’s new discoveries in religion, in anthropology, in psychology, in physical science, in medicine. The Roman Church must therefore perish like every other abortive attempt to discover a universal religion as catholic as science. For science represented the ideal universality: It was the possession of all men.
Tyrrell, like all Modernists, believed in the possibility of a synthesis between the essential truth of his religion and the essential truths of modernity. For the Modernist, Catholicism can and must be reconciled with the results of historical criticism. Tyrrell therefore demanded guarantees for the liberty of individual Christians against encroachment by dogma-spouting ecciesiastics. He protested against the centralization of government by the papacy and the bishops, who deprived the people of their share in Church government.
The parallels are already clear between George Tyrrell’s nineteenth-century Modernist theology and the present-day theology of such a man as, say, Fernando Cardenal, who has declared his true mission to be the political liberation of the oppressed. As a Jesuit, his priesthood meant nothing else. Neither the Pope in Rome nor the local bishops of Nicaragua bad any importance in his optic. But the parallels between Cardenal and Tyrrell do not end with a few points of contention with the Church. Tyrrell left nothing untouched or unchanged.
Tyrrell must have been exposed to all the training, piety, and devotion of a man formed in the Society of Jesus in the late nineteenth century. Yet, clearly, from his explicit statements, he had abandoned the basic concept of Ignatian spirituality and the driving motives of Jesuit zeal: the Kingdom of Christ, the Leader, at war with the archenemy of Human Salvation; and Jesuit obedience to Christ’s Vicar on earth, the Pope. To read Tyrrell’s books is to understand that nothing of all that entered the warp and woof of his thought and belief. In fact, some time before his open rupture with the Jesuits and with Rome, he admitted that the Society of Jesus and all it stood for had become like so much “dust and ashes” in his mouth. The breakdown in his attachment to the Ignatian ideal could not have been more plain. The rest followed.
It is certain that Tyrrell did not believe that Jesus was God-made-man. He did not believe either in the resurrection of the
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body or in the existence of Hell or of Heaven. Nowhere in his eleven major books can you find that the Mass was for Tyrrell the Sacrifice of Christ on Calvary. In fact, Christ does not appear as a living Savior dying on the cross to effect the Salvation of the world. Christ’s personal love for all men and women does not appear. Instead, Jesus is diminished to pygmy size. “We cannot frame our minds to that of a first century Jewish Carpenter,” he wrote.
Small wonder, perhaps, that there is a lack throughout Tyrrell’s writings of any sign of that devotion to the person of Jesus that was central to Jesuit spirituality, piety, mission, and zeal. And small wonder, too, that there is a similar lack of devotion to the Virgin Mary or to the saints. Small wonder—except that the absence of such devotion was both remarkable and symptomatic in a man educated and formed in the Society of Jesus in the late nineteenth century.
If Tyrrell was merely neglectful of the Virgin and the saints, he was downright vituperative and contemptuous when it came to the Pope, the Vatican bureaucracy, and the bishops. He was not merely criticizing obvious faults; faithful Catholics do that much all the time. Rather, he denied outright the infallibility of the Pope, the teaching authority of the hierarchy, the divine inspiration of the Bible, the existence of the Devil, and a whole gamut of other defined dogmas of the Roman Church. For Tyrrell, the papacy and the bishops had about as much to do with the Church and true religion as the academic faculty of All Souls College of Oxford University had to do with pig farming in Uganda. He could not abide the hierarchic Church as an idea or as a reality.
Tyrrell’s mind was wholly and exclusively concentrated on the here and now. His voice was the authentic echo not of the Jesuitism he ostensibly chose, but of the unbelief that was born just about the time Tyrrell was born. For him, belief in Christ entailed no faith in Christ as “a teacher and in his doctrine, but [merely] an apprehension of his personality as revealing itself within us.”
The true Catholic, according to Tyrrell, “believes in humanity; he believes in the world. To deny that God is the primary author of all intellectual, aesthetic, moral, social, and political progress seems to the Modernist mind the most subtle and dangerous form of atheism.” In one sweep of his pen, Tyrrell had thus embraced at least implicitly several major and ancient heresies long since considered refuted and condemned by his Church.
No matter, however. For Tyrrell maintained that there was no point in defending the Roman Catholic Church as the one true Church. A more glorious option was open to mankind. “To feel
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the relation of fraternity between the various members of the religious family. . . “—Tyrrell had Christian as well as non-Christian religions in mind—”.. . is to be a Catholic”; for “Modernism acknowledges among the religions of the world a certain unity in variety.”
At the same time, however, there was “no organic unity between the various forms of religion as though they all complemented each other.” For, in the final analysis, true religion was nothing more than “an adjustment of our conduct to a transcendent world.” Whatever that meant, all forms of religion must conform to it or perish. Indeed, all beliefs and credal formulas of all religions were seen by Tyrrell as passing adaptations, and all were destined to disappear as man progressed from higher plane to higher plane. There was no “warfare” for the “Kingdom,” but merely a “development of the Spirit of holiness” throughout humanity as it passed through its various stages. Swami Vivekananda could not have said it better.
Many prominent theologians and bishops in today’s Church should be able to recognize in George Tyrrell a true ancestor of theirs. Enthusiasts of Liberation Theology such as Jesuit Father Gustavo Gutierrez and Juan Luis Segundo are following Tyrrell’s lead in their insistence that theology must not come “from above”
—from the hierarchical Church—but “from below”—from “the people of God.”
Similarly, the vaunted “new” idea of Base Communities as the authentic unit of believers, and as the only trustworthy source of belief and revelation, is nothing more than a resurrection of Tyrrell’s proposal precisely that the true “church” was formed by a gaggle of such communities.
Indeed, just about every major Church figure who throws obloquy on the teaching authority of Rome today need seek no further than Tyrrell for his exemplar. Teaching with an impunity denied to Tyrrell, such honored men as Karl Rahner, Hans Küng, Charles Curran, Leonardo Boff, Jon Sobrino, Edward Schillebeeckx—to name but a handful of self-established Church authorities and luminaries—claim, as Tyrrell did, that the spirit of God reveals itself in individuals and in local groups, and that those individuals and groups therefore have their own authority. They need pay no heed to Rome’s voice.
Tyrrell set the Modernist model not only for teaching authority and authenticity of belief, but for religious mission. Tyrrell’s total abandonment of the Ignatian ideal of warfare carried out for the sake of Christ’s Kingdom will be recognized by Fernando Cardenal
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and his compatriots, and by every other Jesuit who has substituted a sociopolitical ideal—usually the Socialist/Marxist ideal—for that ideal of Ignatian spirituality.
Tyrrell’s influence does not stop with structure and mission in the Church. Necessarily, the basic nature and function of priesthood in the Catholic Church comes into question.
In Catholic doctrine, priesthood is a Sacrament given through the Church to an individual. To receive the Sacrament of priestly Ordination, to become a priest, means that personally and individually the recipient’s soul is forever qualified and added to. Another dimension is added to
it by God’s grace. It is a dimension of power exactly corresponding in its own limited, created fashion to the dimension of power that belonged to the human soul of Jesus as the savior God-man and as high priest of salvation.
That forever irremovable dimension of power has two principal areas of activity: The priest can offer the Sacrifice of the Mass as a reenactment of Jesus’s sacrifice of his human life on Calvary, and the priest can forgive other men for their sins. Besides these two areas, there are others also—preaching the good news of the Gospel, spiritually advising others, dominating evil spirits, theological perception, moral judgment, and so forth.
A priest is fundamentally, essentially, and unchangeably a sacrificing, absolving, preaching member of the Church whose authority and whose priesthood come to him from God through the summons of the Apostles—the bishops of the Church of whom the Pope is head and supreme guarantor of every priest’s authentic
ity.
In the Modernist doctrine as propounded by Tyrrell, all that Catholic doctrine is thrown out the window of human intervention. Neither the divinity of Jesus nor the sacrifice of his physical self for men’s Salvation has any place in the ultimate stage of religious truth of Modernism.
What does take place in priesthood according to the Modernist mind—Tyrrell’s and all the other Tyrrells who have flourished since and are flourishing in our day—is expressed as accurately as could be in a namesake of George Tyrrell, George Wilson, S.J., an American whose writings have had a wide impact, and reflect the mentality of an entire generation of Jesuit theologians.
For Jesuit Wilson, “the ‘Church’ is not, in the first instance, a world institution but rather a local acculturated sacramental reality. ‘Local Church’ is not in the first instance an administrative unit of a larger organization [in which the focus might therefore quite easily rest on the bishop], but rather [is] the life of the whole
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gathered people, with all its unique ethos, lived out initially in significant communities where people experience the reality of reconciliation/salvation; the family and the parish, and secondarily that local church we call diocese.”
Though he is far from poetic, it is clear that in the tangle of sociology and anthropology that went into the making of Wilson’s “new theology” of the “Church,” teaching authority rests with the people, not in the Roman Catholic Church’s bishops and Pope. That much is unadulterated Tyrrell.
Where Wilson makes his contribution, standing on Tyrrell’s shoulders so to speak, is in putting into so many words the meaning of all that for the priesthood.
“Priesthood,” Wilson explains, “is not in the first instance a personal gift bestowed on an isolated individual but a corporate gift given to a body of persons for the upbuilding of these local churches.”
Immediately, Wilson has solved a Modernist dilemma. If you do away with the priesthood, you haven’t a prayer of holding together anything even resembling an organized church such as the Catholic Church has always claimed to be. But if you’ve already done away with Jesus as God, and therefore have done away with his sacramental gifts bestowed upon individual priests, thus allowing them to stand in his place—to offer his forgiveness and his Sacrifice—well, the embarrassing problem obviously is what to
do about the priesthood.
The answer is as simple as it is devastating. Priesthood is no longer given to an individual; it is given to, or perhaps resides in, a community. And its purpose is no longer sacrifice and absolution; it is the social “upbuilding” of the community. But then, of course, you have a problem about sins. What happens to them? Are they “evolved” away, out of existence? Or do you state there is only “social sin,” but no really “personal” sins? Neither Wilson nor Tyrrell have any solution.
There is yet another striking note of similarity between the case of George Tyrrell and his descendants, the Modernists of our time: the note of fundamental and dangerous contradiction in the way they cling to the skirts of the Church they scorn. To the end of his days, Tyrrell grieved because he was not allowed to stay on in the Roman Catholic Church. He retained a fierce attachment to that Church—understood of course in his sense—and a fierce desire to aid in its transition from medievalism to Modernism.
Side by side with his deep Modernist persuasion, surely aware but apparently heedless of the contradiction, he insisted that the
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Catholic Church of Rome “has on the whole preserved the message of Christ more faithfully than any other. . . and in it you can find the germ of that future universal religion for which we all look.” So much so that “if Rome dies, the other churches may order their coffins.”
For Tyrrell, then, every other church was “the work of the devil, a snare, an imposture, a spurious evolution.” And “whatever Jesus was, he wasn’t a liberal Protestant.”
In line with such sentiments, Tyrrell’s most vociferous condemnation of Martin Luther and John Calvin and the other Protestant reformers of the sixteenth century was that they should not have revolted, but should have stayed in the Church and worked for its change from within, as he yearned to do.
How Tyrrell would have envied such twentieth-century Modernists as Hans Kung, and all those many others who wish to be known as Roman Catholics, but who use that position to eviscerate and transform Catholicism. Indeed, today Tyrrell’s case history is probably most notable for the fact that he was expelled at all from the Society of Jesus and excluded from the Sacraments of the Church. For, in our time, the Modernist spirit of George Tyrrell reigns supreme. Up and down the national hierarchies, and at large among Jesuits, Carmelites, Dominicans, Maryknoll priests and nuns, as well as among some two dozen other Religious Orders and Congregations, the Modernist point of view is openly declared and put into daily practice. Superiors—both Religious and episcopal—make no attempt to get rid of the Modernists in their midst. No one of the last three Popes has been strong enough or threatening enough to force the hands of those tolerant Superiors; and one is forced to suspect that those Superiors themselves share the Modernist mind and outlook.
Without a doubt, were Tyrrell alive today, he would not be beyond the pale, but would be flourishing in a professor’s chair at a Jesuit university or seminary.
But such was not his fate. Once he went public, he became a threat to friend as well as foe. His Jesuit Superiors were afraid of what the strong Pope of that time, Pius X, would do if the Society of Jesus sanctioned Tyrrell as he was going. He died, therefore, in his regrets.
If you visit his grave today, you will see the headstone just as he himself sketched it before he died: the Host and Chalice at the top; beneath, his dates and the words “A priest of the Catholic Church”—the position he desired so much.
Host and chalice; priesthood and Church. No matter, he seemed
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to say, that these can no longer be accepted as the practical instruments Jesus provided to see his servants into the place of God’s eternal glory. He could still cherish them as dearly beloved cultural artifacts identifying George Tyrrell, S.J., as belonging to one phase in the long development of “the spirit in man.”